Thursday, 27 February 2020

Yen’s White Lie: Charles Gerard and the Secrets of Old Saigon, 27 February, 2020.

Yen’s White Lie

Charles Gerard and the Secrets of Old Saigon

Feb 27 · 7 min read
Saigon, 1997. Photograph by Doi Kuro.
Yen’s White Lie details a complicated lover’s tryst in Old Saigon. But the city itself is as much of a character as the denizens that haunt the atmospheric alleyways and cafes of the past.
When author Charles Gerard first came to live in Saigon in the mid-1990s, the former capital of South Vietnam was in many ways little changed from the atmospheric days of Graham Greene’s The Quiet American, to this day the most famous book set in the city.
The fierce, brutalising poverty that took over the nation following the American War, as the Vietnamese call it, was still everywhere evident.
Not anymore.
Even more striking than the enigmatic character of Yen is the city of Old Saigon, a city which is now changing dramatically every day as money flows in from across Asia, a new crossroads of modernity and ancient custom.
New skyscrapers and housing estates are emerging from the urban sprawl and semi-rural areas daily. Expensive cars and impressive mansions signify the rapid expansion of the Middle Class and a crossroads city becoming a fundamental part of the 21st Century Asian boom.
Saigon is a city full of romance, intrigue, and to this day expatriates are drawn to the city’s many mysteries.
To an inexperienced eye, one of the most striking things about Yen’s White Lie is the portrayal of the colourful cast of characters making up the expat community; as if a direct line can be drawn from those drunken old soldiers and assorted miscreants to the denizens of today.
But to Charles Gerard there are many obvious differences.
The scene at the Old Saigon Cafe, a central part of Yen’s White Lie, has moved up a block.
“The difference between expats back then and expats now is that people were a lot more adventurous back then,” Gerard recalls. “In the 1990s this place had just opened up. Everything was a challenge back then. There weren’t as many opportunities, so you had to be resourceful.
“Now I see a lot of young kids fresh out of college who just think this is a cool place to go.
“It is easier and cheaper to come here now as a Westerner, so we get a lot of tourists. Before it was Bali. Now it is Saigon. We get a lot of those tourists these days. They come here to party, mostly with each other.
“When I first arrived, there were no neon lights. Only the Saigon Cafe stayed open after 11pm. Everything was shut. Now you can party 24/7.
“There were only a few English teachers here and I knew all of them basically. There was no internet, no email. It was very different back then. Adventurous. When I look at old photos back from the 1960s, it wasn’t very different in 1997.
“There were no highrises. The tallest building was The New World Hotel, which is near where I now live.
“You could see it form the airport. Now it is entirely dwarfed by the buildings surrounding it.”
According to government statistics there are approximately 85,000 expats living in Vietnam, and studies show they are amongst the happiest expats in the world.
“The streets were a lot narrower and sometimes when I got lost I would just look at the New World Hotel and knew where to go.
“What we see today is a lot of expats sitting in cafes drinking every day.
“People were heavy drinkers back then but I wouldn’t say they were drunk everyday. These days people drink a lot more.”
Gerard says many of the expats he knew back in the 1990s went on to marry Vietnamese women and have children, many of whom are now in college.
“Some moved back to the States. Some are still here. Some divorced.
Then, as now, one of the major subjects of repeated hilarity at bars and cafes frequented by expats are their sexual adventures with local women.
It is a subject captured neatly in Yen’s White Lie, where a couple of the “Only in Asia” scenes leave little to the imagination and are, yes, completely hilarious.
Western men in Asia often have a poor public image, as drunken predators preying on poor, vulnerable women, using their money as a vehicle of exploitation.
“I sometimes feel it’s the opposite. As in, who’s exploiting who? It is not clearcut.
“There are plenty of foreigners who marry Vietnamese. Some marriages work out, some don’t.
There are, of course, two sides to every story. Or in the case of Yen’s White Lie, three sides.
“I used to teach these mail order brides English; and I would talk to some of their fiances.
“Some of these girls were using these guys as tickets out of the country. Sometimes I talk to these girls years later, when they came back, and they tell me they had a horrible time in the West. That they were basically trophies. ‘Look what I got from Vietnam.’
“These girls find it hard to assimilate, they have a lot of trouble understanding our culture. In the West it seems to me everything is black and white, good and evil. The longer I stay in Asia the more it feels that life is shades of grey. You can’t really assume anything. It is just so different here. Nowadays I don’t always inquire too closely.
“My book is a collection of anecdotes embedded in a work of fiction. A lot of the scenes are stories from real life. I may have changed the setting; it didn’t happen in this district or street, to make everything fit, but a lot of these things did happen. I wanted everything to be as realistic as possible.
“Yen is a fictional character, but a very realistic fictional character based on a real person.
“You could walk into her in any of the alleys around District One, particularly the entertainment district around the infamous Bui Vien.”
Gerard says he has specifically not identified the nationality of the principal protagonist, Randy.
“Randy is an expat, but he could be from anywhere. Even today in Saigon you can sit at a table of twelve expats and every last one of them is from a different country.
“Randy is like the average “round eye” you would find at one of these tables.”
Many expats still find favourable exchange rates and the relative cheapness of Vietnam, along with the eternally fascinating excoticness of a place entirely unlike the West. But for people like Charles Gerard, there is an inevitable nostalgia for the past.
Which is exactly how Yen’s White Lie came into existence.
“I was talking to an old friend about the good old days, and I was saying I don’t even have any old photographs. I told him I write things down. When you read it again, it brings back memories. There were certain things I didn’t want to forget. I started writing down these anecdotes. My friend said, you should write a book.
Ben Thanh Market, Central Saigon. In the days before bike helmets were compulsory. Image courtesy Doi Kuro.
Yen’s White Lie divides into two halves.
“I wanted it to be from two different perspectives, from a Westerner’s point of view and a Vietnamese woman’s point of view.
“I find this culture fascinating. Sometimes I try to imagine what it is like, being from this place. I’m not from Vietnam, obviously, so I look at this country in a very different way.
“Their perspective, how they look at this city and how they look at us, that fascinates me.”
There is a phenomenon known as euphoric recall; humans tend to remember the high points and forget the lows. But even as it transforms into one of the world’s great cities, it is the romance drenched past which will perhaps forever remain one of Saigon’s most compelling images.
“People used to sit on small plastic chairs on the sidewalk, enjoying a 3000-dong cup of strong coffee,” recalls Gerard. “Now it’s popular with young Vietnamese people to sit in a Starbucks-like cafe with friends and sip 40,000-dong iced coffee.
“Vietnam is one of the world’s fastest economies, which is good for them, but for a lot of expats it seems to be spiraling down. Our wages haven’t gone up, but the cost of living has gone up dramatically. My rent has gone up 300%, but my daily wage hasn’t gone up anything like that.
“Things are changing so quickly. And will change again. I hope Yen’s White Lie adds a little to an understanding of the past, before it is overwhelmed by the future.”
Image courtesy of local Saigon historian Tim Doling

Sunday, 16 February 2020

The Worst of the Worst: Guantanamo Bay and A Bigger Picture, A Sense of Place Magazine, 16 February, 2020.

The Worst of the Worst

Guantanamo Bay and A Bigger Picture

Feb 16 · 8 min read
The publicity blurb for the shortly to be released book A Bigger Picture by former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull makes the claim that he “stood up to Donald Trump”.
Really???
But thereby hangs a tale. And a story about Australia, Turnbull, Trump, secretive refugee deals and Guantanamo Bay inmates that I as an Australian journalist could not sell.
Showing up at a newspaper office every day, as I did for a quarter of a century, means your investment in whether a story gets a run or not is irrelevant. You get paid either way. As a freelancer you can be a bit more picky about what you write, but you don’t get paid unless you get a run. And since I left mainstream newspapers, that’s been a dilemma.
One story in particular got on my goat.
And that was a potential refugee deal between Australia and America, in which America would take 1250 of the refugees on Manus and Nauru Islands.
In return for what? It was never clear; and to this day a simple Google search shows conflicting explanations and varying interpretations if not blatant rewritings of history.
Why exactly would America be prepared to inflict on its own citizens and security services 1250 people not considered fit to settle in Australia.
From the very beginning of the Obama administration in 2009, US officials began making repeated requests to Australia to take Guantanamo Bay inmates. Other countries, including Switzerland, Spain and Oman, had already taken inmates.
Obama, with an eye to his legacy, was eager to fulfil his pledge to close down Guantanamo Bay during his first year in office. “Gitmo”, with its extended histories of torture and mistreatment, had long proved an international embarrassment.
Was the main quid pro quo of the refugee deal that we would take Guantanamo Bay inmates and help Obama fulfil his promise?
The swap could have solved embarrassing problems for both leaders.
The Australian government was being accused daily of cruel and inhumane treatment of asylum seekers on Manus and Nauru Islands.
Obama could keep his promise; Malcolm Turnbull, in the lead up to the 2016 election, could rid himself of the embarrassing saga and also keep his promise that these people would never set foot in Australia.
The whole refugee deal was remarkably secretive from the start and to my mind never made any sense without the Gitmo inmates being part of the equation.
Turnbull would even have had academic support for the move, with some arguing that Australia, through its highly contentious involvement in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, had participated in the creation of the problem of Guantanamo and all it had come to mean. As such, Australia should help resolve it.
Professor Ben Saul, Chair of International Law at Sydney University, wrote:
“The Howard government went the wrong way by supporting the system of detention and military commissions at Guantanamo Bay set up by George W. Bush. That system, widely discredited as illegal under the laws of war and human rights, is still operating.
“Obama needs all the help he can get from close allies such as Australia as he seeks to close Guantanamo. Australia bears a special responsibility because our former government enthusiastically supported that system. Prolonged arbitrary detention of innocent people was partly done in our name. As a country committed to human rights and the rule of law, Australia has a duty to help clean it up.
“Australia now has an opportunity to help remedy the evils partly done in its name during Bush and Howard’s war on terror. Australia must help Obama to close Guantanamo. The next step will be convincing our ally not to make the same mistakes all over again.”
Shane T McCoy, US Navy
The story began unravelling when, in the days following his inauguration, US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull had a famously fractious telephone call.
The transcripts were subsequently leaked to The Washington Post.
At one point, Trump informed Turnbull that he had spoken with four other world leaders that day — including Russian President Vladimir Putin — and that this was “the worst call by far”.
Trump was equally as blunt about the arrangement Turnbull and Obama had made, calling it “the worst deal ever” .
Of course, while Obama may have been desperate to close Guantanamo Bay, Trump had no such qualms, declaring before his election that he was “gonna load it up with some bad dudes”.
As I wrote in the unpublished story:
“The Worst of the Worst. Coming to a Suburb Near You.”
These are the very last headlines a beleaguered Malcolm Turnbull wants to see.
Yet he was refusing to deny that as part of the Manus/Nauru refugee swap Australia is preparing to accept inmates from Guantanamo Bay as the ultimate sweetener to the deal.
The political fallout for Australia’s potential support in relocating the final Gitmo inmates was described by experts as everything from “incendiary” to “sulphurous” to “electoral suicide”.
But it was just the type of action an imperious, tin-eared Turnbull would take. Anything to crawl up Obama’s trouser leg, which he practically did when Obama very publicly invited him to visit the White House.
The Guantanamo population was down to just 41 at the beginning of 2017, according to the US figures.
The controversy over whether or not Australia was preparing to take Guantanamo Bay inmates centres around the only words in the entire 2017 Trump/Turnbull transcript which are recorded as inaudible:
Turnbull: “We will then hold up our end of the bargain by taking in our country 31 [inaudible] that you need to move on from… Basically, we are taking people from the previous administration that they were very keen on getting out of the United States. We will take more. We will take anyone that you want us to take.”
When I contacted them The Washington Post reporters behind the story confirmed that the word “inaudible” was in the transcript leaked to them.
Security experts confirmed that “inaudible”, considering the state of the art audio equipment in the Oval Office, most likely meant “redacted”.
In response to direct queries on whether “taking in our country 31 (inaudible) that you need to move on from” should read “31 Guantanamo Bay inmates” the Prime Minister’s office stonewalled.
A spokesman insisted Malcolm Turnbull would be making no further comment beyond his previous statement: “I’m not going to comment on the leak of this supposed transcript, let me just say that the nature of our relationship with the United States in this area is one of mutual assistance. So we help the Americans, they help us, it’s in the context of a very big relationship of mutual support.”
Only two Gitmo prisoners, both Australians, have so far been relocated back to their home country, David Hicks and Mamdouh Habib.
Both generated controversy and brought with them tales of torture and ill treatment.
Previously whenever the question arose, the government always issued statements denying that Gitmo inmates would be coming to Australia.
This time around, no such statements.
In response to my questions on the refugee swap Opposition Immigration spokesman Shayne Neumann issued a closely worded statement:​ “Anyone resettled in Australia must first pass strict security, character and health checks. Labor has called on Malcolm Turnbull to release the details of the US-Australia refugee resettlement agreement.”
Terror expert at the Australian National University Dr Clarke Jones said given the revelations over the government’s cynical approach to the refugee issue, a refugee swap including Guantanamo Bay inmates was likely “on the money”.
He said the galvanising impact on Australian jihadists of having the “celebrated” inmates of Gitmo inside the Australian penal system needed to be closely examined.
Head of the Border Security program at The Australian Strategic Policy Institute John Coyne, told me that international studies confirmed that beyond the pure political poison of the move stood substantial costs to the taxpayer of hosting international terrorists. These included 24/7 surveillance and costs of caring for people suffering the physical and psychological consequences of torture and lengthy confinement.
But like everybody else, Coyne would neither confirm nor deny.
I had his my first front page story before the news editor I was dealing with at the time, who was less than half my age, had even been born.
But convincing him that the refugee Guantanamo Bay story was “a cracker of a yarn” took an insane level of persistence, and the editor was insistent that he would need someone from the government to go on the record or he couldn’t run it.
No government spokesperson who wanted to keep their job was going to say a word about this one.
Being escorted to interrogation. Associated Press/Andres Leighton
You can build a story out of denials perfectly well. Float a proposition. Report on the stonewalling. Bang, done. Easy.
Whether or not my suspicions were correct, and indeed I am almost certain they were, having had it off-the-record confirmed by someone in a position to know, in the face of such a solid wall of obfuscation any news organisation worth its salt should have run the story.
The government could have killed it off in an instant with a straight forward denial. They didn’t.
Instead I found himself being stonewalled, not just by bureaucrats and political staffers, but by my own editor.
If not here, where? If not now, when?
In the end the deal never went through, and Australia did not take any Guantanamo inmates. My suspicion is that once government officials realised they were about to dump a bucket load of electoral poison all over themselves, with a journalist was sniffing around the story, the plans were abandoned.
We will probably never know the truth.
A dishonest and incompetent government is a paranoid government. The truth must never come out. The Turnbull government treated the public like fools. But there always comes a Judgement Day.
Malcolm Turnbull did more to destroy freedom of speech than any other Prime Minister in Australian history; overseeing a comglometisation of media ownership and the passing into law of rafts of anti-journalist legislation under the guise of national security.
Until the government started raiding journalists and the Right to Know movement was born, the media itself looked the other way.
Now they’re all looking Turnbull’s way. And yes, there is A Bigger Picture.

Malcolm Turnbull’s book A Bigger Picture will be officially published in April.
The blurb claims his book is candid, compelling and lyrically written, while his achievements were “remarkable in their pace, significance and that they were delivered in the teeth of so much opposition.”
Advance publicity and headline grabbing revelations are well underway.
As are cries of outrage, derision and outright contempt from his detractors, including many from his own side of politics.
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