Sunday, 31 May 2020

Defective Modelling Throws Lockdowns into the Dustbin of Credibility, As Editor, A Sense of Place Magazine, 1 June, 2020.

 Defective Modelling Throws Lockdowns into the Dustbin of Credibility

By Professor Ramesh Thakur

On 26 May, Chief Medical Officer Brendan Murphy said if Australia’s mortality rate matched the UK’s, we’d have had 14,000 Covid-19 deaths. This is just tautological rubbish. It would be just as true and equally pointless to say if Australia’s mortality rate matched Vietnam’s, we’d have zero deaths.

The Australian modelling, done by the Doherty Institute, proved to be as defective as the ICL and Swedish modelling. Although it was delivered to cabinet as case numbers began to rise in Australia and informed their decision to close borders and impose Stage 3 lockdown measures on 20 and 30 March respectively, the modelling was not released to the public until 7 April. Earlier, speaking in Canberra on 16 March, Deputy Chief Medical Officer Paul Kelly said up to 150,000 Australians could die from the coronavirus under a worst case scenario of 15mn infected cases with 60% of the population being infected, and up to 50,000 dead out of 5mn infected with 20% of the population being infected. ‘The death rate is around 1 per cent. You can do the maths’. ‘This is a horrendous scenario’, Brendan Murphy said. ‘A daily demand for new intensive care beds of 35,000-plus’. The figures were based on a combination of Chinese and international data since the beginning of the pandemic’s spread in December. ‘It proves the theory of flattening the curve’, PM Scott Morison said.

They might want to redo their maths. The modelling shows that under an unmitigated worst case scenario, 89% of the Australian population could have been infected. In that scenario only 15% of those who needed intensive care would have been admitted.

All these assumptions, derived from the core assumption of the reproduction rate ‘R’ being 2.53% based on the initial Wuhan data, have proven to be speculative, unreliable and inflated. As it turned out Australia’s ‘R’ was below 1% already by the time that strict control measures were put in place in late March.

The highest tally of daily cases was 528 on 29 March; of ICU beds occupied was 96 on 6 April; and of Covid-19 patients in hospital was 448 on 6 April (Table 1). Stage 3 lockdown measures were imposed on 30 March. One week later the daily new cases had fallen below 100 and has stayed there, with the sole exception of 9 April when it was exactly 100. In interpreting the figure, it bears repeating that the virus has a 5-7 day incubation period.

Table 2 is a screenshot of the table from Appendix A of the modelling published by the Government on 7 April. It may be the only objective check we have on assessing the accuracy of the modelling.

Under the model’s best case Scenario 4, with tight quarantine, isolation and social distancing measures in force that reduce the rate of transmission by a third, 2.9mn people would be infected, 200,000 would require hospitalisation and nearly 5,000 people would need to be in intensive care (Figure 2) during peak demand.

With infections just over 7,000 and ICU peak occupancy at 96, the predicted numbers are off by 400-fold and 50-fold respectively.

If their best case scenario is this defective, there’s little reason to believe the other, including worst case, estimates of the modelling. Thus there’s no accurate measure of how many lives were saved by this level of intrusive state control.

Taking advantage of the recommended lockdowns, a surprising number of political leaders seem to have relished the opportunity to indulge their inner despots, and some police officers took advantage early on to indulge their inner bully.

Queensland’s Chief Health Officer banned RAAF flyovers for ANZAC Day by four pilots despite admitting they would have been no risk to themselves or anyone else but would set a dangerous precedent, while permitting up to 80 to congregate for an Aboriginal Elder’s funeral. Her logic on school closures is similarly idiosyncratic. She accepts the evidence that schools are not a high risk environment for the spread of the virus but closing them helps to convince people how grave the situation is:

‘So sometimes it’s more than just the science and the health, it’s about the messaging’.

Almost all journalists seem to have lost their cynicism towards claims by the authorities and instead become addicted to pandemic panic porn.

The measures taken have been extreme, more even than has been done during a war and more than was attempted during earlier, deadlier flu epidemics. The authorities have told us who and how many are permitted into our homes, where we can and cannot go, how many people we can meet, where we can shop and for what, which services we can access and which not, even which medical and dental services we can still access. Who is going to call the Governments and the medical experts to account for the overreach?

A critical and sceptical profession would have put the government’s and modellers’ claims under the blowtorch and subjected them to withering criticism for the magnitude of errors by which their predictions have been off. Instead they have mostly joined the adoring multitudes in showering praise on the magnificence of the emperor’s new robe. Or, to change the metaphor, it is as if the Wicked Wizard of Wuhan (WWW) has cast an evil spell over the whole world and turned it into an enchanted forest with humans confined to limited spaces and the other creatures roaming freely, no longer terrorised by homo sapiens.

Looking to the future

Australia’s 50th biggest cause of annual deaths (110) is poisoning. At present, that is, Covid-19 does not make it to the top 50 causes of deaths. And for that we have inflicted such damage on people’s lives, livelihoods, education, freedoms, condemning them to house arrests en masse and robbing so many young of their future? If ever there was justification for a Royal Commission, this is it.

The point of the inquiry should not be to apportion blame for past mistakes. Rather, its primary term of reference should be to identify how we can prepare better for the next big one. In retrospect, we could have used the good fortune of the virus arriving in Australia in the latter part of summer, instead of in the middle of the flu season as in the northern hemisphere, to boost surge capacity at every bottleneck point to test, isolate, trace and treat cases.

One way or another, we will come out of this pandemic. But we can also be absolutely certain that it will not be the last pandemic to hit us. There will be others and next time we may not be fortunate in the timing (off flu season) or the geographical epicentre (North Atlantic). Also, the choice of Commissioners should reflect modern Australian demographics and the already evident reality that the best lessons to be learnt for successful responses are from Asia–Pacific countries. It’s both perplexing and irritating that, reflecting the composition of political and bureaucratic elites, Australia continues to look to Western countries to establish benchmarks.

Subject to change as the virus evolves, some things I would like to see begin with putting hard lockdown into the dustbin of history. And state border closures too, for that matter. Related to this, the government should provide the best available information and guidelines for individual and social health practices, but transfer the burden of risk back to individuals for assessing the dangers to themselves and the appropriate preventive measures to take and practices to adopt. A smarter approach is a more targeted approach, especially for an epidemic that is so strikingly age and gender stratified and in many jurisdictions has hit care facilities particularly badly.

We need surveillance mechanisms to identify and quarantine outbreak clusters backed by reliable contact-tracing methods. A team of scientists from Edinburgh and London has suggested a segmenting-and-shielding strategy that segments the elderly and frail while shielding their carers with adequate personal protective equipment. It is adapted from the ‘cocooning’ of infants by immunisation of close family members that is a pillar of infection prevention and control strategies.

The one thing in common that all the successful Asia-Pacific examples – Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, Singapore – have is they learnt from the earlier avian flu and SARS examples. They made preparations in advance and their institutions and procedures were activated with exemplary swiftness and efficiency. We certainly require prepositioned and pre-approved equipment and procedures for screening passenger traffic at air and sea ports on short notice, stocks of protective, preventive and therapeutic equipment and supplies, a surge capacity to break through the bottlenecks when we need to scale up, and the right balance between national manufacturing capacity and diversified global supply lines.

How can we best begin organising for the next health epidemic by way of institutions? The National Cabinet has been a good innovation. But we also need the equivalent of the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC). Like the latter, I’d be in favour of a Trans-Tasman centre (TTCDC).


This story was originally published in one of Australia’s leading social policy journals Pearls & Irritations and is reproduced here with their kind permission.

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Savage Blows to Australia’s Regional Media, As Editor, A Sense of Place Magazine, 1 June, 2020.

 

Savage Blows to Australia’s Regional Media

David Mariuz/AAP

Kristy HessDeakin University

With swift and savage force, the COVID-19 pandemic has inadvertently attacked Australia’s local news media ecology, which was already battling a weakened immune system.

As a researcher working on Australia’s largest academic study into the future of local newspapers, the phones have been running hot in recent weeks. We’ve had calls from everyday people, journalists made redundant, cadets surviving on JobKeeper, and independent news proprietors, all navigating their way through the crisis.


Read more: Local newspapers are an ‘essential service’. They deserve a government rescue package, too


News Corp has announced plans to close or suspend printing operations of more than 100 suburban and small community titles. Its more successful publications, such as the Geelong Advertiser, Gold Coast Bulletin, Hobart Mercury and the iconic Northern Territory News, will remain with print and digital editions.

Other independently-owned newspapers across rural and regional Australia are still breathing: they are gasping for air, but they are breathing. They’ve either temporarily suspended operations, cut back the number of print editions or shifted to a digital-only model to “see how it goes”.

Since the COVID-19 crisis emerged, there have been two key funding schemes introduced (or re-introduced) to support news providers – the government’s $50 million Public Interest News Gathering Program and a $5 million Regional and Small Publishers Innovation Fund.

The federal government has also announced plans to force Google and Facebook to share advertising revenue with producers of quality journalism in Australia. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission is now seeking views on its new draft mandatory code that will address bargaining power imbalances between Australia’s news media businesses, and Google and Facebook.


Read more: Trust in quality news outlets strong during coronavirus pandemic


This has been met with some initial concern from the Country Press Association of Australia amid fears the modelling may only benefit big companies and not the little players that serve small towns and cities.

The Victorian government has waded in to provide more than $4 million in additional advertising support for local and regional print publications. Our preliminary research indicates Victoria leads the way with this type of support for local news. Other states, such as South Australia and New South Wales, lag behind or have announced changes to legislation that provides government authorities freedom to advertise on their own sites or via social media.

The problem is, social media sites like Facebook don’t put the interests of local communities first, whereas local news outlets do (or at least they should). Facebook has gone to great lengths to distance itself from the types of local content posted on its platform. In the local news ecology, it tends to feed from traditional local news providers or the goodwill of citizens who moderate and upload content of local importance and reap the advertising rewards. One off, $10,000 grants from social media juggernauts to local news entrepreneurs won’t fix this systemic problem.

In some local areas, business owners are offering donations or advertising support to preserve the journal of record during COVID-19. JobKeeper is keeping many cadet journalists on the payroll, and there are some keen reporters doing their bit to report on the news, even if they are not getting paid.

There’s also stories of new start-ups emerging – like Matt Dunn in Victoria’s South Gippsland region. He was made redundant by the local newspaper, which is planning to close its doors permanently. He immediately set to work developing his own digital news platform, “The Paper”.

Dunn is confident elderly residents who have little experience with technology will come on board because they will be hungry for good quality local meaningful news. It’s about the content, not the platform.

However, digital-only publications are problematic in areas of rural and regional Australia that struggle with broadband connectivity. It’s even more worrisome for those areas with ageing populations, where reading the local paper is a daily or weekly ritual to maintain a sense of connection to their community.

I’ve spoken with several elderly residents in recent weeks who are distressed about the decline of Australian Community Media’s local content and the reduction of the print edition. Without the newspaper and technological capabilities, they feel “lost”. And importantly, they can’t read the death notices, so have no idea who has died.


Read more: Without local papers, regional voices would struggle to be heard


Perhaps that is the key for policymakers, researchers and industry in a post COVID-19 world. Big news conglomerates around the world have been accused of building a plethora of zombie newspapers that are local in name only – full of syndicated content, without really being attuned to the needs and wants of a community or helping people to develop shared social connection and purpose to place.

My hunch is zombie papers will be the first to fall.

Audiences aren’t stupid. It’s the newspapers and community individuals determined to provide news that are the heart of their communities and should survive into the future. Policymakers, researchers and industry need to be acutely aware of the types of news outlets and individuals that best provide – or are willing to provide – real, credible and meaningful local news and information for their communities in areas of Australia big and small.

They are the ones that should be at the front of the queue for any type of media vaccine.

Kristy Hess, Associate Professor (Communication), Deakin University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


Additional Commentary:

Crikey: Dark day for journalism as Murdoch’s global empire sells democracy down the river

From Peter Fray and Eric Beecher: Today’s News Corp cuts represent an enormous threat to Australian democracy ⁠— and a grim reminder of the power of a single family.

Australian news journalism has never seen a day as black as today — and not just because News Corp has closed 12 of its 17 regional daily newspapers, leaving Australia with just 20 remaining.

Today also demonstrates the grotesque power of
one company — and one family — to decimate a large slice of a country’s
news in a single media release. 

A company worth $16.3 billion, run from New York, has wielded a knife through large swathes of Australian democracy.

Christopher Warren: Despite News Corp’s intentions to use digital news and state-based tabloids to balance regional closures, the initiative won’t survive the disruption of news media.

Today’s News Corp conflagration of the venerable regional mastheads from northern NSW and Queensland marks the tipping point where printed newspapers will now endure as a nostalgic luxury good for those few communities that can afford them.

Among the 100-plus titles slated for shutting are almost half of all Australia’s regional newspapers — 12 dailies out of its 17, leaving no daily papers along the more than 2000km-long regional strip between Newcastle and Townsville. Only the Gold Coast Bulletin and Courier-Mail in the heavily-populated south-east corner of Queensland will be in between.

Many suburban newspapers suspending print early in the COVID-19 crisis. Now most of them are, unsurprisingly, confirmed as shutting.

MEAA

MEAA, the union for Australia’s journalists, says the closure of mastheads and the job losses announced by News Corp Australia this morning represent a huge loss for communities in regional and suburban Australia.

MEAA chief executive Paul Murphy said: “We are still waiting for clarity from the company on how many editorial staff will be affected by these changes across the News Corp network. We are determined to see proper consultation and fair treatment for any affected staff.

“The closure of so many mastheads represents an immense blow to local communities and, coming off the back of hundreds of previous regional closures during this period, it underlines the seriousness of the crisis facing regional and local journalism,” Murphy said.

MEAA will be requiring News Corp to engage in full consultation over these major changes to the workplace.


In the Theatre of the Absurd which is now Australian politics, in mid-April the Commonwealth announced a $50 million package allegedly to support public interest journalism across TV, newspapers and radio in regional and remote Australia.

The announcement came a day after Australian Community Media said it would suspend publishing at its non-daily publications until at least June due to the pandemic’s impact of the pandemic on advertising revenue.

Australian Community Media is made up of more than 170 leading rural and regional newspapers and community-based websites. It’s bolstered by the representation of over 100 independent titles. Combined they serve millions of people in every state and territory across Australia.

ACM journalists were told via teleconference that mastheads such as the Avon Valley Advocate, Bunbury Mail, Collie Mail and Esperance Express would be among the papers to be mothballed.

Fast forward six weeks and one really has to ask: What happened to the $50 million??? Did it end up in the pockets of their great friend and enabler, Rupert Murdoch???


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Saturday, 30 May 2020

Australian Governments Urged to Address Fears for Prisoner Health and Safety, As Editor, A Sense of Place Magazine, 31 May, 2020.

 Australian Governments Urged to Address Fears for Prisoner Health and Safety

By Marie McInerney with Croakey

Australian governments are facing renewed calls to dramatically cut the number of people held in prisons and other places of detention that are “potential disaster zones” in the coronavirus pandemic, particularly for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and others at risk.

“We are not out of the woods yet,” said a joint submission to the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19 released on Thursday by a broad alliance of civil society and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations, and senior academics.

“Evidence from around the world is clear – once COVID-19 enters a place of detention, it will spread  like wildfire,” the submission says.

It refers to devastating outbreaks in prisons elsewhere in the world and high risk clusters in Australia, including in an inpatient psychiatric facility in Melbourne and the Newmarch House aged care facility.

The submission also calls for an end to solitary isolation in prisons and the implementation in Australia of the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OPCAT) which aims to prevent mistreatment in places of detention by establishing systems for independent monitoring and inspection.

Members of the OPCAT Network, which promotes the implementation of the Treaty in Australia, led development of the submission, which says greater oversight is particularly needed now that visits to prisons and youth detention have been suspended.

Advocates are concerned that it is not only family, lawyers and support services who have had to stop visiting prisons and other facilities, but also official oversight bodies such as state ombudsman offices.

“Abuse thrives behind closed doors, and COVID-19 cannot be an excuse to resort to fundamentally harmful practices in all places of detention,” said one of the authors, Monique Hurley, Senior Lawyer at the Human Rights Law Centre.

While coronavirus outbreaks have devastated many prisons globally, especially in the United States and Spain, Australian prisons so far have been relatively untouched so far, with just a handful of positive COVID19 infections reported amongst staff members in Queensland and New South Wales, and inconclusive testing of three prisoners in regional Victoria.

But the OPCAT network report warns that governments should not “wait for people to get sick and die” and should use the pandemic to rethink detention and sentencing policies generally.

“Around the world, governments are releasing imprisoned people to stop the deadly spread of COVID-19,” said Nerita Waight, Co-Chair of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services (NATSILS), a signatory to the submission.

“We are calling for the immediate release of First Nations people. Priority needs to be given to those most at risk like our elderly, sick, people with disability and those with mental health issues. This is necessary to contain the spread of coronavirus so we are all healthy and safe.”

Critical condition

Change the Record, an Aboriginal led coalition of legal, justice and health groups, is also a signatory to the submission and on Wednesday released a separate report, Critical Condition – the impact of Covid-19 policies, policing and prisons on First Nations communities.

This report is calling for the urgent release of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, who “due to the ongoing impacts of colonisation, poverty and inequality”, experience poorer health than non-Indigenous Australians and are held in disproportionate numbers in prisons and youth detention.

But the report says that not only are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people at high risk of the worst impacts of the coronavirus, including in prisons and youth detention, they are also “disproportionately affected by some of the more punitive and restrictive COVID-19 responses” being rolled out.

Among many issues of concern across the country are:

  • Increased use of lockdown and separation, including forced quarantine of incoming prisoners, including children and young people.
  • Patchy responses to the provision of hygiene and social distancing in prisons, with some prisoners forced to spend their own money to buy soap.
  • Exorbitant fees to call family and other loved ones, including for-profit services that have sprung up allowing people to ‘email a prisoner’ at high costs.
  • Disruptions to criminal, civil and family courts that have resulted in matters delayed, sometimes for months, with unclear and inconsistent information about what legal options are available to them.
  • Concerns of an abrupt spike in caseload when bush and regional courts reopen, putting even more pressure on already stretched Aboriginal legal services.
  • Reduced access to adequate legal advice for people on remand, less police protection and support for survivors of family violence, restricted access to children in out of home care, and lack of support for women subject to child protection removals.
  • Closures of residential drug and alcohol facilities that have led to people being sent home, leaving some people without alternative and safe living arrangements.

In a Twitter thread, Change the Record Executive Office Sophie Trevitt said the investigation “heard reports of mob living in overcrowded conditions, and folks who are homeless, being issued with fines despite having nowhere else to go and no ability to pay the fines”.

“This entrenches poverty and inequality and does nothing to keep people safe from COVID-19,” she said.

The alliance also heard stories of mothers being denied visits with their young children and the fear that this will impact on their future ability to be reunified as a family, she said, noting that this week also marked Sorry Day, national recognition of the impact on the Stolen Generations.

The Change the Record report gives multiple examples of “discriminatory policing” of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, including where disproportionately high numbers of social distancing fines have been handed out in towns with high Indigenous populations and low levels of COVID-19.

It says Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the Northern Territory town of Tennant Creek had complained to Amnesty International that police have attended houses known to them as overcrowded and used COVID-19 regulations to order people to disperse.

“When household members failed to disperse, because they had nowhere else to go, they were issued fines,” it said, adding that Tennant Creek alone accounted for nearly one-third of the total 48 ‘social distancing’ fines levied by NT police as at mid-May.

Change the Record says it has struggled to get up to date information about the conditions in adult and youth correction facilities due to restrictions on legal and family visits and the withdrawal of independent oversight bodies and external scrutiny in many states and territories.

That’s also a big concern in the OPCAT Network submission, which is urging governments to act on the vision of OPCAT, ratified by Australia in 2017 but yet to appoint independent inspectors in all jurisdictions, to ensure that there is greater oversight and transparency in all places of detention.

Under OPCAT, “National Prevention Mechanisms” are due to be set up in all jurisdictions to conduct inspections of all places of detention, particularly prisons, youth detention, and immigration detention centres. Their scrutiny would also apply to police cells, closed facilities for mental health treatment, secure residential care facilities, aged care facilities and quarantine.

The submissions also addresses the difficulty for advocates and media outlets like Croakey in tracking down what individual jurisdictions and detention facilities are doing to prevent and/or manage a coronavirus outbreak, including information about testing.

Transparency matters

The OPCAT network urges governments to provide regular, updated and accurate information to the public and to oversight bodies on their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in relation to each place of detention, including:

  • infection prevention and control measures and contingency plans (particularly strategies, policies and data relating to use of medical isolation, quarantine and solitary confinement, staffing, testing, health provision, personal and legal visits, programs and education)
  • information relating to COVID-19 testing and results for people in detention, staff and contractors, infection rates and number of deaths, as well as incidents such as use of force, and incidents of self-harm and prison disturbances such as protests.

It says the Scottish Prison Service publishes weekly the number of people in prison who are self-isolating, confirmed COVID-19 cases in establishments and staff absences, while the US Bureau of Prisons’ provides daily updates on confirmed and recovered COVID-19 cases, as well as the number of deaths of inmates and staff.

Echoing calls from Change the Record and many other legal and health bodies, the submission urges governments to follow the lead of many other countries and “responsibly release” people who are at higher risk of significant harm should they contract COVID-19.

This includes Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, elderly people, people with chronic health conditions, disability and mental health conditions, children, young people, pregnant women, primary caregivers for young children, and refugees and people seeking asylum, it says.

“People detained behind bars are a cohort particularly vulnerable to the impacts of COVID-19. For example, almost one-third of people entering prison in Australia have a chronic medical condition like asthma, cancer, cardiovascular disease, diabetes or live with disability,” the submission says.

It also calls on governments to curb admissions to prisons by looking at non-custodial sentencing alternatives, encouraging police to rely on summons and bail rather than arrest, to decriminalise   COVID-19-related offences such as breach of quarantine or social distancing regulations and, like Amnesty International Australia and others have urged, to raise the age of criminal responsibility from 10 in some jurisdictions to 14.

According to Amnesty, this particularly affects Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. Its report, also released on Wednesday, says that between 2018 and 2019, Australian governments pushed almost 8,353 children aged 10, 11, 12 and 13 years through the criminal justice system, with 573 children under the age of 14 held in detention, ” despite overwhelming evidence of the harm prison does to children”.

“COVID-19 presents acute health risks to people in places of detention,” said Professor Thalia Anthony, of the University of Technology in Sydney.

“However, rather than ensuring protection and safety through removing people from these places, governments across Australia have made these closed environments unprecedentedly restrictive and harmful to the wellbeing of people inside.”

NB: The OPCAT submission is endorsed by an alliance of civil society and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations including: Change the Record, National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services, Northern Territory Legal Aid Commission, Danila Dilba, Prisoners Legal Service Inc, North Australian Aboriginal Justice Agency, Public Interest Advocacy Centre, Amnesty International Australia, People with Disability Australia, Queensland Advocacy Incorporated, Australian Lawyers Alliance, Justice-Involved Young People Network, Making Justice Work Coalition, Civil Liberties Australia, Centre for Adolescent Health, Human Rights Council of Australia, Refugee Council of Australia, and the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre.


This article is supported by the Judith Neilson Institute for Journalism and Ideas, and is published as part of Croakey’s ongoing #JusticeCOVID series.

For more information on the JusticeCOVID project, read this media statement and also follow the news at the #JusticeCOVID Facebook page.

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